The McGill University Department of Political Science carries on a long and pioneering tradition in the study of politics in North America. Founded in 1901, the Department's distinguished faculty is actively involved in a wide variety of ongoing research projects, and is committed to achieving a high level of academic excellence in research, graduate, and undergraduate education.
T.V. Paul has been elected as the 56th President (2016-17) of the International Studies Association (ISA), the leading scholarly association in that field.
Christopher Manfredi, Professor of Political Science and Dean of Arts, has been appointed as McGill's next Provost and Vice-Principal Academic.
Sam Noumoff, a member of the Department's faculty from 1967 until his retirement in 2006, passed away on November 26 at age 79. A tribute from his former student, James Putzel, Professor of Development Studies at LSE, can be found here.
Maria Popova's book Politicized Justice in Emerging Democracies: A Study of Courts in Russia and Ukraine (Cambridge University Press, 2014) has won the American Association for Ukrainian Studies Book Prize for best book in the fields of Ukrainian history, politics, language, literature, and culture.
Dietlind Stolle and Michele Micheletti's book Political Consumerism: Global Responsibility in Action (Cambridge University Press, 2013) has been recognized with the Canadian Political Science Association's 2014 prize for the best book in comparative politics:
"Political Consumerism breaks new ground in the empirical exploration and analysis of “political consumerism”, a form of political participation by which consumers use ethically and value-driven market choices to change institutional or market practices. Through compelling mixed methods, Stolle and Micheletti demonstrate its increasing importance and significance as an emerging form of individualized responsibility-taking and social action. Consumers use a variety of new forms, particularly suited to the digital age, to exercise pressure on corporations and governments. Collectivized individual actions are expressed through such measures as “buycotts”, labeling schemes, or anti-sweatshop campaigns. The book shows, among others, the effects of an email exchange campaign against Nike, as well as the impact of fair trade labeling and organic food activism. Stolle and Micheletti have gathered an impressive amount and different types of data, and have developed ingenious analytical strategies. They are careful and balanced in their assertions on the significance and consequences of political consumerism, and they engage seriously with potential critics. This original book advances intriguing and fascinating claims that are well demonstrated and supported."
Elisabeth Gidengil has been elected to the Royal Society of Canada.
On June 15 her accomplishments were recognized with an honorary doctorate from Laval University; the citation reads:
Elisabeth Gidengil est incontestablement la figure de proue au Canada dans les recherches empiriques sur le désengagement politique des femmes et, plus généralement, des citoyens moins nantis. Madame Gidengil est une chercheure reconnue sur la scène internationale. Plusieurs distinctions prestigieuses, y compris son intronisation à la Société royale du Canada, en témoignent. Madame Elisabeth Gidengil est une enseignante exceptionnelle; elle encadre ses étudiants aux cycles supérieurs de manière à les préparer avec succès à la profession de chercheur. Elle est aussi une gestionnaire exemplaire, qui a su créer un élan de dynamisme remarquable dans la recherche empirique sur le fonctionnement de la démocratie. Par ses recherches, par son enseignement hautement apprécié, et par son talent de gestionnaire, Elisabeth Gidengil a joué et continue de jouer un rôle de tout premier plan dans le développement de l’étude des comportements électoraux au Canada.
Elisabeth Gidengil is undoubtedly a figurehead in empirical research on the political disengagement of women and, more generally, ofess fortunate citizens. Her research is recognized internationally. She has received several prestigious awards, including her induction into the Royal Society of Canada. Elisabeth Gidengil is an outstanding teacher; she meticulously supervises graduate students in order to successfully prepare them for the academic career. She is also an exemplary manager, who has created a momentum of remarkable dynamism in empirical research on the working of Canadian democracy. Through her research, her teaching, and her talent as manager, Elisabeth Gidengil has played and continues to play a paramount role in the development of the study of voting behavior in Canada.
Antonia Maioni has been promoted to the rank of Professor.
Victor Muniz-Fraticelli and Maria Popova have been promoted to the rank of Associate Professor with tenure.
Jacob T. Levy, Rationalism, Pluralism, and Freedom, Oxford University Press, 2014.
Intermediate groups-- voluntary associations, churches, ethnocultural groups, universities, and more-- can both protect and threaten individual liberty. The same is true for centralized state action against such groups. This wide-ranging book argues that, both normatively and historically, liberal political thought rests on a deep tension between a rationalist suspicion of intermediate and local group power, and a pluralism favorable toward intermediate group life, and preserving the bulk of its suspicion for the centralizing state.
The book studies this tension using tools from the history of political thought, normative political philosophy, law, and social theory. In the process, it retells the history of liberal thought and practice in a way that moves from the birth of intermediacy in the High Middle Ages to the British Pluralists of the twentieth century. In particular, it restores centrality to the tradition of ancient constitutionalism and to Montesquieu, arguing that social contract theory's contributions to the development of liberal thought have been mistaken for the whole tradition.
It discusses the real threats to freedom posed both by local group life and by state centralization, and the ways in which those threats aggravate each other. Though the state and intermediate groups can check and balance each other in ways that protect freedom, they may also aggravate each other's worst tendencies. Likewise, the elements of liberal thought concerned with the threats from each cannot necessarily be combined into a single satisfactory theory of freedom. While the book frequently reconstructs and defends pluralism, it ultimately argues that the tension is irreconcilable and not susceptible of harmonization or synthesis; it must be lived with, not overcome.
Narendra Subramanian, Nation and Family: Personal Law, Cultural Pluralism, and Gendered Citizenship in India, Stanford University Press, 2014.
The distinct personal laws that govern the major religious groups are a major aspect of Indian multiculturalism and secularism, and support specific gendered rights in family life. Nation and Family is the most comprehensive study to date of the public discourses, processes of social mobilization, legislation and case law that formed India's three major personal law systems, which govern Hindus, Muslims, and Christians. It for the first time systematically compares Indian experiences to those in a wide range of other countries that inherited personal laws specific to religious group, sect, or ethnic group. The book shows why India's postcolonial policy-makers changed the personal laws they inherited less than the rulers of Turkey and Tunisia, but far more than those of Algeria, Syria and Lebanon, and increased women's rights for the most part, contrary to the trend in Pakistan, Iran, Sudan and Nigeria since the 1970s.
Subramanian demonstrates that discourses of community and features of state-society relations shape the course of personal law. Ruling elites' discourses about the nation, its cultural groups and its traditions interact with the state-society relations that regimes inherit and the projects of regimes to change their relations with society. These interactions influence the pattern of multiculturalism, the place of religion in public policy and public life, and the forms of regulation of family life. The book shows how the greater engagement of political elites with initiatives among the Hindu majority and the predominant place they gave Hindu motifs in discourses about the nation shaped Indian multiculturalism and secularism, contrary to current understandings. In exploring the significant role of communitarian discourses in shaping state-society relations and public policy, it takes "state-in-society" approaches to comparative politics, political sociology, and legal studies in new directions.
Richard Schultz, G. Bruce Doern, and Michael J. Prince, Rules and Unruliness. Canadian Regulatory Democracy, Governance, Capitalism, and Welfarism. McGill-Queens University Press, 2014.
A critical examination of Canadian regulatory governance and politics over the past fifty years, Rules and Unruliness builds on the theory and practice of rule-making to show why government "unruliness" - the inability to form rules and implement structures for compliance - is endemic and increasing.
Analyzing regulatory politics and governance in Canada from the beginning of Pierre Trudeau's era to Stephen Harper's government, the authors present a compelling argument that current regulation of the economy, business, and markets are no longer adequate to protect Canadians. They examine rules embedded in public spending programs and rules regarding political parties and parliamentary government. They also look at regulatory capitalism to elucidate how Canada and most other advanced economies can be characterized by co-governance and co-regulation between governments, corporations, and business interest groups.
Bringing together literature on public policy, regulation, and democracy, Rules and Unruliness is the first major study to show how and why increasing unruliness affects not only the regulation of economic affairs, but also the social welfare state, law and order, parliamentary democracy, and the changing face of global capitalism.
Seemingly from its birth, Pakistan has teetered on the brink of becoming a failed state. Today, it ranks 133rd out of 148 countries in global competitiveness. Its economy is as dysfunctional as its political system is corrupt; both rely heavily on international aid for their existence. Taliban forces occupy 30 percent of the country. It possesses over a hundred nuclear weapons that could easily fall into terrorists' hands. Why, in an era when countries across the developing world are experiencing impressive economic growth and building democratic institutions, has Pakistan been such a conspicuous failure?
In The Warrior State, noted international relations and South Asia scholar T.V. Paul untangles this fascinating riddle. Paul argues that the "geostrategic curse"--akin to the "resource curse" that plagues oil-rich autocracies--is at the root of Pakistan's unique inability to progress. Since its founding in 1947, Pakistan has been at the center of major geopolitical struggles: the US-Soviet rivalry, the conflict with India, and most recently the post 9/11 wars. No matter how ineffective the regime is, massive foreign aid keeps pouring in from major powers and their allies with a stake in the region. The reliability of such aid defuses any pressure on political elites to launch the far-reaching domestic reforms necessary to promote sustained growth, higher standards of living, and more stable democratic institutions. Paul shows that excessive war-making efforts have drained Pakistan's limited economic resources without making the country safer or more stable. Indeed, despite the regime's emphasis on security, the country continues to be beset by widespread violence and terrorism.
In an age of transnational terrorism and nuclear proliferation, understanding Pakistan's development, particularly the negative effects of foreign aid and geopolitical centrality, is more important than ever. Painstakingly researched and brilliantly argued, The Warrior State tackles what may be the world's most dangerous powder keg and uncovers the true causes of Pakistan's enormously consequential failure.
Victor Muniz-Fraticelli, The Structure of Pluralism, Oxford University Press, 2014.
Pluralism proceeds from the observation that many associations in liberal democracies claim to possess, and attempt to exercise, a measure of legitimate authority over their members. They assert that this authority does not derive from the magnanimity of a liberal and tolerant state but is grounded, rather, on the common practices and aspirations of those individuals who choose to take part in a common endeavor.
As an account of the authority of associations, pluralism is distinct from other attempts to accommodate groups like multiculturalism, subsidiarity, corporatism, and associational democracy. It is consistent with the explanation of legal authority proposed by contemporary legal positivists, and recommends that the formal normative systems of highly organized groups be accorded the status of fully legal norms when they encounter the laws of the state.
In this book, Muniz-Fraticelli argues that political pluralism is a convincing political tradition that makes distinctive and radical claims regarding the sources of political authority and the relationship between associations and the state. Drawing on the intellectual tradition of the British political pluralists, as well as recent developments in legal philosophy and social ontology, the book argues that political pluralism makes distinctive and radical claims regarding the sources of political authority and the relationship between associations and the state.
Filippo Sabetti and Paul Dragos Aligica, eds., Choice, Rules and Collective Action: The Ostroms and the Study of Institutions and Governance. Colchester, UK: University of Essex, ECPR Press, 2014.
Filippo Sabetti joins with Paul Dragos Aligica (George Mason University) in introducing, in one volume, the theoretical foundations of an important contemporary school of social science: the Bloomington School of public choice and institutional theory. The volume offers a set of texts representing the main analytical and conceptual vehicles articulated and used by Nobel Prize in Economic Sciences co-recipient Elinor Ostrom, the first woman and political scientist to be so recognized, and by Public Choice political economy co-founder Vincent Ostrom. Their endeavours sought to re-establish the priority of theory over data collection and analysis, and to better integrate theory and practice. These efforts are illustrated via selected readings organized around three themes: the public choice roots of their work in creating a distinctive branch of political economy; the evolution of their research program that led them to go beyond mainstream public choice, thereby enriching the study of institutions and governance; and, finally, the foundational and epistemological dimensions and implications of their research. The volume is introduced by the editors with a discussion of the theoretical and epistemic foundations of the Ostroms’ research programme.
Bruce Haddock and Filippo Sabetti, eds., Vincenzo Cuoco. Historical Essay on the Neapolitan Revolution of 1799.Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2014.
For the first English language edition of Vincenzo Cuoco’s classic (1801) book, Filippo Sabetti joins Bruce Haddock (Cardiff University) in filling a gap in the study of comparative revolutions. The Neapolitan Revolution remains one of the most influential and important texts for understanding why and when violent “regime changes” succeed or fail, a topic as crucial as ever in our modern world.
In coming to terms with the dilemmas of regime change, Cuoco offered theoretical and political lessons that went beyond the case of Naples and the problems that his generation confronted. He showed how it was possible to criticize the political rationalism of revolutionaries without succumbing to either conservative (Burke) or reactionary (de Maistre) arguments. His bookwas soon translated into German and French and, with its reformist sympathies and subtle sensitivities to the decisive role played by context, tradition and culture, became a critical source of ideas throughout nineteenth-century Europe. In setting the terms of reference for subsequent discussions of revolution, reform and reaction, Cuoco’s analysis anticipated Tocqueville’s later critique of the old regime and the revolution in France and lent support to a moderate liberal current of the Risorgimento. Cuoco has continued to be read and admired by people holding quite different political views – from Manzoni to Giovanni Gentile, from Croce to Gramsci. The latter’s insistence on the importance of cultural hegemony was in direct response to the difficulty highlighted by Cuoco in imposing a revolution from above.
Megan Bradley, Refugee repatriation: Justice, responsibility and redress, Cambridge University Press, 2013
Voluntary repatriation is now the predominant solution to refugee crises, yet the responsibilities states of origin bear towards their repatriating citizens are under-examined. Through a combination of legal and moral analysis and case studies of the troubled repatriation movements to Guatemala, Bosnia and Mozambique, Megan Bradley develops and refines an original account of the minimum conditions of a 'just return' process. The goal of a just return process must be to recast a new relationship of rights and duties between the state and its returning citizens, and the conditions of just return match the core duties states should provide for all their citizens: equal, effective protection for security and basic human rights, including accountability for violations of these rights. This volume evaluates the ways in which different forms of redress such as restitution and compensation may help enable just returns, and traces the emergence and evolution of international norms on redress for refugees.